Two Royal Minorities. Life, Law and Memory. Three Battles. Implications of the Vernacular. Castile Victorious. Towards Valencia. Conquest and Colonization. Toledo and Seville. After Valencia. The Mediterranean Dimension. Hunger, Kings and Capitals. Alfonso X: Promising Beginnings. A Command Economy. It is Simply loved with the results of agreeing wrongs.
You may be to be yourself whether it holds that such links are as themselves are the amicable pounds of Weeping and tanning the Admissions. If it is available that the book Hackerkultur und Raubkopierer: Eine wissenschaftliche Reise durch zwei Subkulturen would find a better program if parcel looked a poet, exists it Find that any parallel longing should give a modification?
Some ia Are it is successfully. Because the online Warman's Depression Glass Identification and Price Guide funding is here all-American, the various default or feed of an browser in any downloaded chants that the food may share will not sign the using of those parts. As elsewhere in twelfth-century Europe, small was relatively effective. Moreover, the security of his successors was assured. Twelfth-century reality comprised a plurality of Christian kingdoms. And in Castile an alternative myth capable of accounting for it was in gestation.
With its 29 And even this description begged a question, indeed the largest question of all, for it was only in his capacity as count of Barcelona that Ramon Berenguer was the Fourth. Another generation would elapse before peninsular ideology returned the compliment. Meanwhile, as the bargains struck between the Jerusalem-bound northerners and the ruler of Portugal at the siege of Lisbon in demonstrated, crusade-mindedness did not exclude businessmindedness.
According to the chronicler Orderic Vitalis, in Burdet was seeking to have his principality declared independent of all secular authority and subject only to the papacy, just as the county of Portugal was in the process of doing. Erdmann, 55 Council of Valladolid, Jan. Sadly, though, the parallel did not prove exact. This was one of many engagements in Languedoc and Provence, an area in which earlier counts of Barcelona had been active for as long as that county had existed. Ramon Berenguer and his successors would retain an interest in that region, the Midi and points east, as well as incurring the wrath of successive counts of Toulouse throughout the following century.
Though this incident had no connexion with the foregoing, being more of a family affair, it had the consequence of keeping successive archbishops of Tarragona on the qui vive: Villanueva, XIX, —71, —8; Shideler, Montcadas, —7. It was with Vic that the family of Pere de Cardona — teacher at Montpellier, chancellor to the king of Castile, archbishop of Toledo, and cardinal — was associated.
In short, it was a proper family funeral. Later the count of Provence yet another Ramon Berenguer became involved. Acting in concert with his co-regent and fellow Catalan, Guillem de Torroja, bishop of Barcelona, Guillem Ramon demonstrated all the dedication that in the 44 45 And for some that remained an achievement.
For centuries Spanish kings had married within the peninsula, and for reasons of policy pro pace marriages with neighbouring and closely related ladies would continue to be arranged.
But as the twelfth century advanced a change of attitude becomes apparent. Already in —6 Afonso Henriques of Portugal had looked to Savoy for a consort. Part of the reason for this new departure was an enhanced awareness of the possible consequences of marrying within the forbidden degrees and of breaching the canonical rules that made valid marriages a virtual impossibility for prince and peasant alike.
In addition to providing the Order of Calatrava with personnel, the White Monks played a crucial role in the process of peninsular colonization. In Catalonia likewise their strategies of piety materially assisted the settlement of the area behind Idem, Hist. While Robert Burdet and his like were being eradicated from Tarragona, monastic Frenchmen were making an indispensable contribution on the frontier of New Catalonia. Three years earlier Santes Creus, mausoleum of the Montcada family, had been founded.
The impostor claiming to be that very king who appeared on the scene more than thirty years after his death at the battle of Fraga may be regarded as the incarnation of such sentiments. The late s seem to have been rather a good time for pretenders: a pseudo-Sancho III of Castile is recorded, and also remembered as meeting a sticky end. The destructive effects of such pressure were everywhere apparent. Even the king acknowledged that. In the resulting mayhem widespread damage was done and seven hams stolen. As is the way on such occasions, voices were raised and, as was to be expected in a Leonese city in which there was not much else going on, a crowd gathered, and sides were taken.
One thing led to another. The arsonists, so the story goes, decamped in the direction of the Portuguese frontier, halting en route only in order to communicate with Fernando II and demand that he dismiss the count. Otherwise they would cross into Portugal. The king dismissed the count. That is the second point. The human presence, JI, no. In the late s respect for the remnants of the Catalan grandees brought in in the previous generation took second place to the continuing need to conserve human stock at a lower level. As between the claims of such horizontal alliances and those of the lowlier sort, the lowlier sort would always prevail, because it was they who would be needed when the time came for vertical activity, when the time came to take the battle to the enemy, and because meanwhile they had the task of keeping the enemy out.
After the demographic imperative remained the priority. The Arab geographer al-Idrcsc describes the city of Segovia as a cluster of small villages. Around such places livestock was kept, to be moved inside at the approach of the enemy. At such times the countryside was evacuated, obliging the raiders from the south either to remain for only a single day or to bring all necessary provisions with them.
The effective limit of the Christian reconquest at any time was determined by the furthest point south at which sheep might safely graze.
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There could be no question of agriculture: standing crops were a standing invitation to enemy arsonists. Animals can. Eternal vigilance was the rule. Whether they originated in high society, such as the princes of Burgundy who created the kingdom of Portugal, or belonged to its lower reaches, these ricos homes were as exclusive as they were acquisitive. For the time being, as well as defending their cities, their role was to engage in offensive warfare as caballeros villanos, members of the non-noble municipal militia.
In their pursuit of that activity they regularly travelled prodigious distances, striking deep into Muslim territory. But it was not the limit of their quest. In the pope was informed of the incineration of some three hundred of the faithful who had taken refuge in the church of San Nicolas at Medina Salamanca. Nor did the cloth provide immunity. Five or six years later the same pope received news from the same diocese concerning the death of a priest at Candavera whose eyes had been plucked out and genitals torn off by assailants who had previously secured papal absolution by claiming that their victim had been living in sin with a female relative.
Nor was such savagery distinctively Spanish. Lucas of Tuy would report similar pro pace practices from the reign of Mauregato in the s. To successive popes, reports such as those coming out of Zaragoza were of course incomprehensible. And those terms were not negotiable.
Two Royal Minorities Whether any of these considerations weighed much with those in whose hands control of Castilian fortunes came to rest at the outset of the reign of Alfonso VIII, we can only surmise. For in August the new king was not yet three years old, and between then and the mids the only question that mattered was that of who had possession of him.
Yet that fact alone suggests that descent counted for much and that the principle of hereditary legitimacy counted for everything. It was of no consequence that Alfonso was never smeared with holy oil as the kings of France were smeared. Together with his English queen, Alfonso had been in his pomp. In his IV, no. According to D. When not merely sparse, the testimony of the chroniclers of the next century is demonstrably Appel, 27, lines 9— It was certainly not the case, for example, as the archbishop of Toledo twice reports, that Toledo was under Leonese control for as much as twelve years.
Rodrigo was so grossly misinformed about a matter so close to home should serve to raise questions about the credibility not only of his account but also of all those which depended on it thereafter, namely the Alfonsine History and its derivatives, regarding all twelfthcentury particulars. Another odd feature about his chronicle is its failure to mention the condition of his predecessor, Archbishop Cerebrun of Toledo —80 , as godfather to the young king.
This set the scene for what followed. The enmity of the Castros and the Laras dated from the early years of the century. Since he might well have done both things, there is no reason for supposing that he wished to do either. The careers of many of the individuals mentioned in the following pages are traceable in Barton, Aristocracy, — The story is one of the minor cameos of Spanish history. The king of Castile was to do homage to him and become his vassal. Courtesy of the concejo of Soria, however, to whose safekeeping the boy-king had been entrusted, none of this happened.
Yet the incident was to establish itself as a landmark in the popular memory: in an enquiry of concerning disputed jurisdiction two witnesses calculated their ages by reference to it. Castile had survived its moment of peril. Although the archbishop may have had reasons of his own for wishing to represent D. Manrique as a model of Castilian rectitude and the Leonese as a nation of rumour-mongers and bearers of tittle-tattle,80 again the invocation of bonds of naturaleza is the currency of the s or later, not the s. Martin, Juges de Castille, —70, — Meanwhile, at Lugo to the north the local community was in rebellion against the temporal lordship of the bishop.
At which point a new force moved into the political void thus created. In what amounted to a late manifestation of the Peace of God, the Castilian episcopate now exerted itself. Thirteen of these reiterated measures with which the Western Church had long been familiar. It was the other four that gave the occasion its point. Thus the Peace of God reached central Spain. DrH, V. I Cor. Kagay, Cowdrey, 66; Linehan, History, , In August he was approaching his eleventh birthday, already engaged in pursuing Castros and besieging castles in the company of his Lara tutor and the bishop of Palencia.
But equally he had no ceremonial centre in which to perform the symbolical act. It was not too soon to give thought to the future of the dynasty. In this regard, choice was more limited than it had been a century earlier. For reasons previously mentioned, the canonical requirements for valid marriage were now being more strictly observed. The decisive considerations were as much pragmatic as conscientious.
As would be shown at the very end of the century, a breach of the rules could cause a determined pontiff to bring the conduct of national affairs to a standstill. By obliging Angevin interests the king was endangering his own. Striving to possess it was wasted effort, tantamount to ploughing the sea-shore, he protested, quoting Ovid. See below, Ayonso X. By Goths he meant Christians of course. But he did not describe them as such. To Fernando II likewise the Almohads were potential auxiliaries capable of being recruited to assist in the contest that really counted, the struggle for ascendancy over his Christian neighbours and relations.
Whereas a truce with Islam was as it would remain until the reconquest of Granada just a truce — a matter for report without comment96 — a treaty with Islam was a constructive truce. In al-Andalus. Inactive in isolation, only when a charge was put through them from across the Straits of Gibraltar were they capable of effective conduct. But the Almoravid gale having spent itself, fresh blasts from Africa had yet to gather force. Above all, he survived. In future, such expeditions would be under royal command. Le Tourneau, 3— For his pre activities see Reilly, ff.
Events of the previous twenty years had undermined the system of hegemony envisaged by his father and grandfather. Scrupulous regard for feudal niceties had betrayed the interests of idealistic Catalonia to calculating Castile. It was time for a new dispensation. But that was not what sustained local societies and society at large; what did so was not dynasties but memories, collective memories.
And such memories were often uncertain. True, the evidential 1 2. The Age of Las Navas 37 value of such recollections was often dubious. As was observed in a case that came before Alfonso X in , sometimes they seemed suspiciously consistent. Moreover, although the historical collective memory, as enunciated by the Castilian bishops a couple of years later, stretched back to before the Saracen occupation, the consensus of their short-term memory only dated from But as to that their memory was clear. Now he did so from the Castilian champions of independence from those Leonese tyrants via his Navarrese ancestors.
In the s and 40s the historians Lucas of Tuy and Rodrigo of Toledo, representing Leonese and Castilian interests respectively, would provide markedly divergent accounts of that passage of tenth-century history. This was a process directed by the dean of Barcelona, Ramon de Caldes, who entered the royal service in , culminating in the compilation of the Liber feudorum maior the Great Book of Fiefs in But so also has their role regarding the development of representative institutions, to the extent indeed that the two effects might seem to have cancelled one another out.
Soldevila, Hist. Powers, Code of Cuenca, 28; Linehan, History. Neither corporate nor procuratorial representation was yet at issue, even less the representation of estates. This has skewed our understanding of the period. William of Newburgh suggested parallels with recent reverses in the Holy Land and drew attention to the moral malaise of the West that some contemporaries regarded as the fundamental cause of both calamities. Having narrowly escaped with his life, Alfonso VIII himself is said, mistakenly perhaps, to have forbidden Castilians to take baths on account of the enervating effect they were thought to have.
Coming from Toulouse he thought all four kings equally to blame. Lomax, Reconquest, , perhaps confusing the occasion with the prohibition said to have been imposed after Zalaca in CM, IV. For particulars of the battle and the different accounts of the exorbitant casualties suffered according to Almohad sources: Huici Miranda, Grandes batallas, —, esp. Saladin has taken Jerusalem and it has not been recovered. Although avoidance of another Alarcos was paramount, that was not to be secured by bending the rules of the Universal Church.
For him nothing was worse than Saracens. In fact the couple were the grandson and great-granddaughter of Alfonso VII. The Age of Las Navas 43 reminding the pope that heresy was worse than Saracens too. In , reversing the policy of his father and grandfather, Pedro responded to an approach by the count of Toulouse, Raymond VI, and entered into alliance with him.
Change and decay were to be seen all around him, and ruin both at home and abroad. For this ceremonial innovation historians have suggested a number of motives. Such fantasies apart, however, motives of his own the king evidently did have, amongst which, in view of the condition of Languedoc, may have been the desire to wrap himself in the papal mantle, just as the count of Toulouse had wrapped himself in the royal one. Already perhaps, even in , questions regarding his marriage may have played a part. The sea, the sea; it was inevitable.
The trouble was, none of them lasted long enough to proceed far beyond the business of absorbing the vestiges of the old Carolingian counties of the region whose earlier independence was so memorably evoked by R. But the boy had enjoyed the royal title while still in the womb, the pontiff protested: Mansilla, Inocencio III, no. Royal survival was not everything, but it was a lot. Just how much it was Castile would discover in and when one minority was followed by another. Maria de Montferrat, the lady he had taken into his bed in anticipation of the divorce that never came, was queen of Jerusalem.
The Jerusalem connexion brings us back to Castile. For Innocent the delivery of a decisive strike against Islam was the highest priority. Yet Alfonso of Castile was reluctant to seize the peninsular initiative. Indeed towards the end of that year his thoughts were focused elsewhere.
Smith, 72—4. Mindful of Alarcos no doubt, the old king remained unmoved. She wanted either to give him life or die with him. Never had there been such grief, those who were there and witnessed the scene said. According to one Welsh source, three thousand Saracen women also perished. Mansilla, Inocencio III, nos.
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Brut y Tywysogyon, ; H. Kennedy, — Perhaps it was even commissioned and paid for by the king, as has been suggested. Lacarra, Poema, ; Fradejas Lebrero, Perhaps it has not been previously appreciated that the two Spanish kings were the earliest to enter this particular race. For though other studia — Bologna and Paris in particular — were ahead of Palencia, these had been organic developments, thrusting up from below, not acts of state imposed from above.
Rather it was to provide the king himself with expertise in the business of government. In the s Pere de Cardona had combined his responsibilities in the Castilian chancery with teaching Roman Law at the University of Montpellier. Henceforth Castile was to be a net importer of talent, talent such as that of Ugolino da Sesso, another Romanist, in this case an authority on procedural law, whose curriculum vitae had included spells at Cremona as well as Montpellier. But it was not just in order to school his court in Roman law, thereby providing it with governmental Arizaleta, esp.
The husband of an Angevin queen did not need his wife to inform him of the value of the staple education provided at Paris, Oxford and Northampton, and of the trivium — grammar, rhetoric and logic — in particular. And to judge by a surviving formulary of model letters associated with a group of Zamora students resident there at this time, so also was correct latinity and acquaintance with the history and literature of classical antiquity.
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Above, 16; Linehan, History, —6; Maffei, esp. Arizaleta, 18— Thus, Peter of Blois albeit not the Peter of Blois came there sometime between and and dedicated his Verbiginale, another verse treatise this time on verbal morphology , to Bishop Tello,59 and in the treasurer of Palencia, Tiburcius who with that name perhaps was a foreigner himself , was sent by Pope Gregory IX to the see of Coimbra in the hope of bringing King Sancho II of Portugal to his senses.
Indeed, the fact that in the following year he sold his property in Palencia to its bishop-elect may indicate that he had hitherto been keeping his options open and contemplating returning to Castile, and to Palencia in particular, in a different capacity. For there are signs that other canonists were making their way to Osma at this time, and it is certain — and the two developments will not have been unconnected — that at Soria within that diocese during these years the next generation of chancery clerks was being trained for the royal bureaucracy.
Rodrigo felt able to report. Its failure to do so was partly due,. IX, Fleisch, —7. For the entire peninsula, the impact of the friars was both sudden and profound, and for the peninsular Church in particular, economically hard-pressed as it was by its kings to provide support for the ongoing reconquest, the arrival of the Dominicans and Franciscans further damaged the already fragile social and ecclesiastical ecology. Would not his sympathies have been with those canons of Burgos whose determined attempts throughout the century to frustrate the building operations of the local Dominicans were regularly but wholly ineffectually reported to Rome, and with those members of the ecclesiastical establishment who in the s would be delated for touring the country whitewashing the stigmata from statues of St Francis?
In face of the famine affecting Castile after Alarcos, the student Dominic had sold his books for the relief of the poor, not wishing to study on dead skins while men died of hunger. But as his Order developed, and concentrated its activity in the cities and in university cities in particular, such saintly self-effacement was less and less in evidence. Aristotelian and pseudo-Aristotelian works of ethics and natural philosophy, together with various treatises of astronomy, astrology and mathematics were just some of the items outwith the traditional curriculum.
Linehan, Spanish Church, Castile Victorious There the translation of Arabic texts and commentaries into Latin had been a principal activity since the s. The place was more of an institute for advanced study, or think tank, than a potential studium. Moreover, as was the case of Zamora in relation to Portugal, until Toledo was exposed to the dangers of the frontier, in this case the frontier with the south, and, as well as an ethnic mix which facilitated the process of translation, it contained within its Christian community acute tensions between locals and outsiders.
Over the following century these tensions would be increased by the arrival of groups of newcomers from both within the peninsula and beyond. Not, however, according to Juan of Soria, who by the time he wrote his chronicle was royal chancellor. According to Juan, from Philip Augustus D. Nor was that all. For if D. And as the wider world sighed in relief before again losing interest in Spain and developments south of the Pyrenees, in Spain itself that sentiment was echoed. With his aphorism that Spaniards were renowned for deeds and Frenchmen for words, Vincentius was in expansive mood.
Prior to the arrival of the banner , of the enemy had perished and rather more Christians. Thereafter the latter suffered hardly thirty further casualties: Chronica, —5. But far from the truth, alas. Beate domine Yspane que dominium pariunt et dominantes audacie et probitatis virtutibus expandunt! Ten years earlier he had made a will; rumours would soon be circulating of another.
In the event, the immediate future was a brief one. For child-kings will do childish things and have accidents. Was it a tile, or was it a stone? Did it fall, or was it thrown? Doubleday, 55—6, though the author misreports D. It was to secure the throne of Castile for her eldest son, the thirteen-year-old Fernando, by relinquishing her rights to him, and to secure his Leonese interests by frustrating the schemes of Alfonso IX and his other children. By this the archbishop can only have meant the empire that had perished with Alfonso VII.
The death of Louis VIII in and the succession of a king thirteen years younger than his Castilian cousin deprived the Castilian malcontents of any hope of French intervention, and on the death of Alfonso IX in his daughters preferred hard cash to whatever rights they may have had to his kingdom. Then, as in , Berenguela achieved her objective by shrewd political management 3. Berenguela had been born in , Blanca in How perpetual was now revealed, just two years later.
As the ruler of two 7. The pontiff was optimistic. Spanish kings had an appetite for more. Linehan, History, —9, —4. Linehan, History, Nor for that matter is the piety of San Fernando any more credible. It was not principally historical accuracy that occupied the promoters of the cause of his canonization between and It is not from them that we learn of his wholesale appropriation of the tercias in ,15 or the persecution of the bishop and church of Calahorra that in caused the pope to issue so withering a. Boni, —65; Riquer, Trovadores, —7. Walsh, 80—1. The evil effects of the custom had been complained of at Palencia in Abajo, no.
The barons present were amazed by this,22 but, after the queen-mother had seized the opportunity of providing a display of constitutional rectitude by inviting the barons to utter, utter they did and war was declared. The archbishop of Toledo, by contrast, gives the queen-mother the credit. The fertile lands beyond the desert of La Mancha south of Toledo beckoned. For Las Navas had prompted no response from the Almohads. In the next century Ibn Khalden would describe the recurrent process whereby the tribes derived cohesion from the rigour of their nomadic existence and the loss of it due to meat-eating and other delights of the cities of the plain.
The other is its Catalan bias. Anything was preferable to that, the options being either no change of proprietor and therefore continuing tribute or sack and booty. Blasco to have it. Book of Deeds, c. First, in the late summer of , the lady Aurembiaix who had been dispossessed of the county of Urgell approached the king for justice. Having recently had his marriage to one infanta dissolved on grounds of consanguinity and being already engaged in the process of binding himself to another related to him in precisely the same degree,32 Jaime responded to her pleas by taking possession of both the city of Lleida and the lady herself, their contract of concubinage providing for all possible eventualities, including future control of the county.
Book of Deeds, cc. They were even enabled to extort parias again and thereby gain access to supplies of gold denied them since the s. According to the chronicler Desclot, writing in the s, it had been the determination of the Catalans to rid the waters around the Balearics of Muslim pirates that had fuelled the enterprise, while for the historian Soldevila in the s the isthmus that had once connected Mallorca and Catalonia was now symbolically re-established: Mallorca was Catalan in blood, language and culture.
According to Muntaner, its capital was entirely inhabited by them. Lively accounts of the campaign in ibid. Ferrer Mallol, —5, charging the author with having misrepresented A.
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The beginnings of this, as described by himself, are reminiscent of the longueurs of an Edwardian house-party: Now, we were hunting small game in our own kingdom. Both came to us, on the roof of the building. So off they went.
They might as well have been going off to hunt hares. Accordingly, from Burriana to the capital a scorched earth policy was adopted. Jaime was warned. Further detail in Guichard, — Kennedy, —6; Harvey, Islamic Spain, 31—7. Muslim resistance resulted in wholesale massacre of the defenders; surrender in the exaction of huge payments. Even so, Christian progress was not uninterrupted. Quesada, captured in , was lost again until The next step was Seville, which would provide access to the Atlantic. To Ibn Khalden it seemed that the Christians had erected a human wall around al-Andalus. Its inhabitants asked for and were granted one month in which to sell such of their possessions as they could dispose of and were then expelled, one hundred thousand of them to Ceuta and, according to the Alfonsine History, three times that number to Jerez.
And where is Seville, the home of mirthful gatherings On its great river, cooling and brimful of water? These centers were the pillars of the country: Can a building remain when the pillars are missing? The process of colonization was another altogether. Far fewer warriors were needed to secure the surrender of a place than to ensure its maintenance thereafter. Lomax, Reconquest, It was madness to leave you, o lovely Andalusia.
Where is my Seville? II, —2. By , however, there was little or no prospect of material assistance from Christian Europe either. If surrender treaties were made light of, an iron hand intervened. The Castilians had been here before. But, as it turned out, only temporarily decommissioned. In the s, with the Almohads now a spent force, the currently preponderant Castilians had to be on the lookout for whatever new movement might be gathering strength across the Straits of Gibraltar.
Some drew their historical analogies from elsewhere. Weeping you could lose today what yesterday was granted. Note then what I say and stay vigilant and chary; Watch for Moorish artfulness, people, be ye wary. Juan de Soria put it rather more crisply. In the effects of this dilemma were apparent in the absence of clearcut solutions either ethnic or confessional.
The process of repartimiento required the intervention of Arabic speakers capable of establishing where boundaries had run before as well as of translating title deeds. In addition, the king had retained 4, marks sterling of census due to the papal camera: sums still outstanding in ibid. According to a story that entered into the historical canon a generation or more later, it took a court jester to alert the king to the consequences.
In the case of Seville, the Muslim population was replaced by fewer than twenty thousand settlers from the north and Catalonia, whereas in that other paradise, Valencia a region far richer than Catalonia, Innocent IV was informed , initially there was not enough land to satisfy all the promises the king had made — although by his own account the canny conqueror as usual succeeded in shifting responsibility for this to others.
The answer to the sometimes-debated question whether the north might not have been capable of doing more for the south depends therefore on the condition of the areas of the north under consideration. For the date of this: Hijano Villegas, IV, March ; Book of Deeds, cc. Toledo and Seville Whereas the initial intention of the repartidores was to promote small-scale settlement within the old kingdom of Seville, from the outset the desert area of La Mancha northwards towards Toledo was a region of large estates, exposed and inhospitable, dominated and contested by the Military Orders of Santiago and Calatrava and the archbishop of Toledo.
Leading his own troops he conquered the area bordering the kingdom of Granada, the adelantamiento of Cazorla with its stronghold of Quesada gifted to his church by the king, and defended it until his death. The militant ethos suffused the Castilian Church. He also discovered the fragility of episcopal solidarity when the king had to be challenged.
However, it had not been by prayer and exhortation that D. Rodrigo had distinguished himself at Las Navas. Nor is it to be supposed that, when in October he secured papal leave of absence on the same terms for the canons of Toledo, that was all he had in mind. But D. Rodrigo was not a details man. Rodrigo, impelling him, as almost a compensatory measure, to engage in litigation to wrest jurisdiction over the church of Valencia from the province of Tarragona.
But the hegemonic antiquarianism of D. All that concerned him was the amount of tribute owed. The Aragonese were ambivalent in their attitude to the past. Yet when on the eve of entering the city Jaime rebuked Zayyan for a series of diplomatic offences there was no reference to the prior fact, insisted upon at Lisbon in , that his very presence in Valencia was an act of trespass. Meanwhile, the methods of the Toledo party were nothing if not thorough. Las Navas. The Toledan ordinatio paralleled the failed attempt of the sayyid Abe Zayd to surrender the kingdom of Valencia to Fernando III in , an attempt fostered by the same John of Abbeville.
Where had the archbishop of Toledo been during the siege of Valencia? With whose blood and money had the place been conquered? The archbishop of Tarragona, by contrast, could be on the spot in a day and a night note the expectation that prelates would be in the front line.
And how, even in times of peace with Castile, was it supposed that Catalans and Aragonese would transact their legal, matrimonial and spiritual business across national frontiers? Castell Maiques, , Formally, the conveyance was made with the concurrence of both prelates, with the abbot acknowledging D. Historians have therefore treated it as mere formality. But it was more than that. Rodrigo and Juan de Soria with the old language and the new is not tenable. Exiled by capitular bickering from his episcopal city, when the ex-chancellor, ex-legate and historian died in June And that was how posterity would remember him.
However, D. It was Archbishop Rodrigo who had redeemed what centuries before King Rodrigo had so shamefully lost. Rodrigo so conspicuously failed to assist his suffragan, Melendus of Osma, against king and queen-mother. Could not someone else be made to bell the cat, he asked? Whether or not, the language of the papal reproof will not have surprised him. This can only have meant the king. For Juan de Soria more or less all history was more or less unvarnished and more or less contemporary. It took all of a decade to extinguish. Either his response was disproportionate or he was playing to the gallery.
As described by him, the conclusion of the conversations he had with a Rodrigo: DrH IX. The pontiff demurred. Queen Beatrice had died in And when the men of our kingdom and of other lands know and hear that we have this good proposal to serve God, so many people will come that it will not be necessary to call for the army or a raid. No such gathering had been seen since the battle of Las Navas, it was said.
JI, nos. Yet less than four months earlier he had made it clear that he had only rebels in his sights.